AIBL no. AI pap 5 = RÉS 1807

Verso ink before the visible text ??? v 1: stray mark. or end of line Original notes on Recto: Note 1. The upper right corner of the sheet-join is folded back onto verso, and this folded piece contains remnants of two strokes, one of which may be a פ, that would end a long line, on the missing recto. Note 2. The farthest left surviving portion contains two strokes that may be interpreted as a second column. Paratextual marks. A mark crosses the sheet-join. Line 1. Note that the IA practice of grouping of three tally marks 𐡘𐡘𐡘 together is held to in the papyrus. Line 2. The name Yatan-Ḥapi, which means “Ḥapi gave,” is well attested in the Persian period Phoenician evidence from Egypt (P. 11414; P. 11417; P. 11449). It is a hybrid Phoenician-Egyptian name with the grammatical structure vb-DN. The verbal element is Phoenician, and it means “Ḥapi gave.” Line 3. Nabû-ˁimman(i) is conceptually the same (if not a calque) on the Akkadian Nabû-issēˀa “Nabû is with me.”*1* Depending on how one understands the preposition’s suffix and its origin, the name could be read as “Nabû is with us” Nabû-ˁimman(u).*2* Line 4. מסי = Egy. -msy and is known from אחמסי and פמסי. I am tempted to read בנטמסי like the name found on TAD D7.33 ln. 5, though the shape of the strokes are not are round on the bottom is expected (compare ln. 8). The marks of the preceding letter are clearly not פ, though they may be the right edge of a ח, but then there is not room for an א, since the top of the נ is visible. The form אחמסי appears two lines below (ln. 6) The name ססי is thought to be of West Semitic origin and appears frequently in first millennium bce Akkadian sources (Sāsî),*3* but its exact meaning remains unknown.*4* It is found in two Aramaic witness lists from Mesopotamia (Lemaire, HEO 34, no. 12 ln. 12; Tell Šēḫ (DeZ 13814 = Röllig, AoF 24, no. 2). In an Egyptian context and on an account with many Egyptian names--not to mention that the forename may be Egyptian--the spelling calls to mind חרסיסי (Saq. H5–AP36 [1583] = Segal, no. 6) (Egy. Ḥr-sꜢ-Ꜣs.t)*5* without the Ḥor element. The name SꜢ-Ỉs.t “son of Isis” is attested in the Egyptian onomasticon.*6* Line 5. The name Ḥor, without other elements, is well attested as a proper name in Persian period Phoenician sources found at Elephantine (O 4758, Fund-Nr. 17250a + O 2335, Fund-Nr. 17250a; P. 18432; EM 43464 J (b); P. 11415). Line 6. The name עבדאחמסי ˁAbd-ˀaḥmsy is a hybrid Phoenician-Egyptian name following the Phoenician structure: עבד-DN/PN. The Egyptian name אחמסי ˀAḥmsy (Egy. ˀIˁḥ-ms)*7* is attested in one Aramaic ostracon from Elephantine (EM 43464 c). There one finds on line cv 6: זי עבדאחמסי[...]. Scholars long interpreted a word break between עבד and אחמסי, though one does not exist in the photograph.*8* That ostracon is now better translated as “[...]of ˁAbd-ˀaḥmosey” in light of the present papyrus.*9* Line 7. The Phoenician name Yatan is well attested with and additional divine name (DN) element and at least once from Elephantine with other elements (P. 11398).*10* Line 8. This the first attestation of פפטעכנס Pepṭuˁa-Kons (Egy. PꜢy=f-ṯꜢw-ˁ.wy-Ḫnsw / Pȝy=f-ṯȝw-m-ʿ.wy-Ḫnsw) name in Pheonician or Aramaic and means “His breath is in the hands of Chonsou.”*11* Line 9. The name חרכפ Ḥor-kep (Egy. Ḥr-(pꜢ-)kꜢp)*12* is known in Persian period Phoenician from Elephantine (EM 43464 J (b). Line 10. Asked Jan.... *1*Prosopography L–N, 837. *2*In NWS compare name invented in literary classical Hebrew עִמָּנוּ אֵל (Is 8:10). *3*Prosopography, P–Ṣ, 1093. *4*Röllig, AoF 24, no. 2 ln. 8 discusses in his commentary (pp. 371–2) the possibility of a connection to the Akkadian name Šamšī (meaning “My Šamaš/sun”). *5*Vittmann, 103. *6*For a list of attestations see https://www.trismegistos.org/ref/ref_list.php?nam_id=15433. *7*Vittmann, 101. *8*Sachau, taf. 63 no. 4. *9*This ostracon is unique among the Aramaic collection from Elephantine in that it is written only on the cv side. With few exceptions Aramaic scribes at Elephantine began nearly all ostraca on the cc side, and cv only Aramaic sources are usually jar labels. The content of the ostracon is also peculiar because it focuses on the Khnum temple affairs, and lastly, the Aramaic hand in which it is written uses letter forms (particularly א, ו, and ח), which resemble older forms of the letter, though this is not evidence that the ostracon is old. *10*One may be tempted to read *יתר as in יתרו because the final letter does not descend as low as one would expect of נ. But in this hand, נ is written of variable lengths from short to slightly descending below the line. Besides, the lack of a consonatal ו in *יתר seems unlikely. Furthermore, the surviving top of the final letter is not rounded as in the other examples of ר. *11*https://www.trismegistos.org/nam/detail.php?record=10977. *12*Vittmann, 103. Original notes on verso: Line 1. This is the first attestation of פטנית Peṭe-Neyth (Egy. PꜢ-dỉ-Nỉ.t, Πετενητις) in NWS. One other form of a -Neyth type name is found in Phoenician, פסמסנית Psamsî-Neyth (EM 43464 e, Elephantine), and in Aramaic we find the very similar structure in masculine פנית (Egy. Pa-Nj.t ) (TAD C4 9:8) and feminine תנית (Egy. Ta-Nj.t) (TAD B8.4 ln. 15; H5–AP144 [5926] v 3).*1* Line 2. The name ימחת Yemḥot(p) (Egy. ˀlj-m-ḥtp) is already known from the Phoenician corpus (P. 18432). Line 3. The name Peṭ-eˀsê פטאסי (Egy. PꜢ-dj-Ꜣs.t)*2* is well known from the Aramaic corpus, but is also found one other time in Phoenician on P. 11447. Last name built on the model of פסא or תסא, but as a hybrid Phoenician-Egyptian Ben-sj. Line 4. The papyrus is contorted on the name ס◦◦א. Some traces of ink near the middle two letters of ס◦◦א are from the recto, folded onto the verso. A down and leftward diagonal precedes the א and is likely the left edge of a ת, producing תא◦ס with relative certainty. Perhaps this is a variant of the name סנתו (Egy. SmꜢ-tꜢ.wj) (TAD B8 5:11)*3* without the final (-w) element: סנתא Senteˀ (Egy. SmꜢ-tꜢ, compare Σεμθευς) Line 5. The name חרוץ Ḥarûḏ (Egy. Ḥr-wḏꜢ)*4* is known in Phoenician (P. 11406). Lines 6–7. The patronymic appears to be the same for both lines. The first element is the god’s name סכן Sakan, and the second seems to be from the Phoenician/Canaanite root עשי/עסי “to make” or “to do.” The name’s grammatical structure is DN-verb and may mean “Sakan is maker” (Sakan-ˁās) or “Sakan made” (Sakan-ˁasa).*5* The god Sakan/Šakan, who is thought to be of is known in other proper names appearing in Phoenician script from the period (e.g. P. 11387). As for the verbal component עס, the interchange of ס < > ש poses no significant problem for texts from the Persian period onward*6* nor does the lack of a final mater lectionus. Line 8. The name אשמנשמש ˀEšmun-šammeš is known from from Persian period Aramaic in Egypt, Saq. 71/2–23 [5291] (= Segal no. XVIII). Segal interpreted the name’s grammatical structure as DN-verb with the meaning “ˀEšmun serves”; this is likely correct as reading “ˀEšmun-Šamš” (DN-DN) seems highly unlikely. The curious feature is that Segal’s citation and perhaps alongside this one, represents the earliest verbal use of the root, which is otherwise only found in DSS and later sources (ThWAT IX:790). It is an extremely productive root meaning “to serve” in Punic and all later Aramaic dialects, but earlier Aramaic perfers the roots פלח or עבד based on dialect, while the Canaanite (Phoenician and Hebrew) prefers עשה or עבד (or Heb. only שרת). *1*Vittmann, 102–3. *2*Vittmann, 101. *3*Vittmann, 103. *4*Vittmann, 103. *5*See dicussion of עשחר (compared to עשמלך) in Lidzbarski, no. 65. *6*Among the many examples compare especially the שנחריב versus סנחריב by the same copyist in the Ahiqar narrative. Klaus Beyer, The Aramaic Language, Its Distribution and Subdivisions (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 16 (description from RÉS) De Ricci “Bibliography” in Sayce/Cowley, no. 27 (p. 30). (Description from RÉS)