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KAI 001

Gibson 3:04

Metadata

Collection
Beirut Archaeological Museum (= National Museum of Beirut) (Public)
Keywords
  • Inscription | Grave
  • Inscription | Royal
Find Type
Excavation
Material
Stone | Sarcophagus
Updated by
James D. Moore, 2026-08-23
Date (Paleographic)
Gregorian -1000 to -975
General Notes
The ˀAḥiram inscription was discovered in 1923 and is inscribed on two sides of an Egyptian sarcophagus. Dussaud published the text first, in 1924. The text begins on the upper rim of the sarcophagus on one of its short sides. It continues around the corner on a long side, on the edge of the lid rather than along the rim. The beginning of the inscription does not start right at the edge but leaves some room. Martin (1961, 73-75) sees older traces of pseudohieroglyphic writing and concludes that the Phoenician inscription began a bit away from the edge to preserve part of the pseudohieroglyphic inscription. According to Gibson (1982, 12), the archaeological context of the sarcophagus itself dates it to the 13th century B.C.E. The Phoenician text comes from sometime in the 10th century, with two of the major chronologies and dating schemes detailed below. ˀAḥiram is one of six kings detailed from five surviving inscriptions of Old Byblos, including the Yeḥimilk inscription (11444), the ˀAbibaˁal inscription on the statue of Sheshonq I (11445), the ˀElibaˁalinscription on the bust of Osorkon I (11446), and the Šipiṭbaˁal inscription (11447). These kings are ˀAḥiram, ˀIttobaˁal, ˀAbibaˁal, Yeḥimilk, ˀElibaˁal, Šipiṭbaˁal. The inscriptions make explicit the ˀAḥiram-ˀIttobaˁal lineage and the Yeḥimilk-ˀElibaˁal-Šipiṭbaˁal lineage. The way that these two lines relate is unclear, and ˀAbibaˁal’s place with these lines is unclear. ˀAbibaˁal’s inscription is on a statue of Sheshonq I and ˀElibaˁal’s on a statue of Osorkon I, who themselves represent a direct father-son ruling line in Egypt. It is generally considered that the inscriptions would have been set into statues of these Egyptian rulers during or immediately following their lives and reigns. Albright dates all of these inscriptions in the 10th century B.C.E. He gives the following dates and relations: ˀAḥiram, c. 1000. ˀIttobaˁal (son of ˀAḥiram), c. 975. Yeḥimilk, c. 950. ˀAbibaˁal (son of Yeḥimilk?), c. 930. ˀElibaˁal, (son of Yeḥimilk), c. 920. Šipiṭbaˁal, (son of ˀElibaˁal), c. 900. He dates Sheshonq’s reign to 935-915 and Osorkon to 915-885 (1947, 153-160). Moscati offers a slightly different date and chronological scheme. He places the kings as follows: ˀAḥiram, c. 1000. ˀIttobaˁal , c. 980. ˀAbibaˁal, c. 940. Yeḥimilk, c. 920. ˀElibaˁal, c. 900. Šipiṭbaˁal, c. 880. He dates Shesonq to 950-929 and Osorkon to 929-893 (Moscati 1968, 10-11). The different dates used for the reigns of Sheshonq and Osorkon by Albright and Moscati lead to slightly different dating for the kings of Byblos. Moreover, Moscati places ˀAbibaˁal between ˀAḥiram’s and Yeḥimilk’s lines. Albright tentatively considers ˀAbibaˁal to be the son of Yeḥimilk and brother of ˀElibaˁal, placing his reign after Yeḥimilk but before ˀElibaˁal, as these two have their inscriptions on the statues of two successive Egyptian rulers. The ˀAḥiram sarcophagus now rests in the National Museum of Beirut (Rider).

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Textual Notes
1. זפעל𐤟 : Z- is a proclitic relative pronoun found only in archaic Byblian royal inscriptions (Krahmalkov 2000, 166). 1. אבה𐤟: -H is a 3ms. possessive suffix used in Byblian Phoenician and throughout this inscription (Krahmalkov 2000, 166). 1. בעלמ𐤟 : This phrase literally means 'house of eternity,' meaning, 'tomb,' or 'mausoleum.' Krahmalkov considers that the mason omitted the T in the phrase (2000, 132). Gibson takes the same phrase and meaning, though his approach is to say that, rather than a mistake on the mason's part, the form encountered here is an abbreviation of BT ˁLM (by skipping the T), attested in other Semitic languages (1982, 15). 2. בסנמ𐤟 : Reading this as a mistake on the part of the mason, who omitted the K, intending to write BSKNM (Gibson 1982, 14). This then parallels the preceding phrase, MLK BMLKM WSKN BSKNM. 2. ותמא𐤟 מחנת𐤟 : TMˀ MNHT is a noun phrase meaning 'commander of the army,'  (Krahmalkov 2000, 492-493). 2. עלי𐤟 : This seems to be a perfect verb in the protasis with an additional verb in the protasis a bit later, in the imperfect and with a W-. Gibson produces three other examples of an additional verb in the protasis from the Hebrew Bible. Of these, one is a waw + imperfect, one is a waw consecutive imperfect, and the third is waw + perfect (Gibson 1982, 15-16). 2. זנ𐤟 : Though ˀRN is feminine, the masculine form of the demonstrative ZN comes with it here. 2. תחתספ𐤟: This word comes from the root ḤSP with a -T- infix for a Gt stem, paralleled in Ugaritic (Gibson 1982, 16). Krahmalkov calls this the YIPTAˁAL stem, an intransitive form of the Qal, which occurs only in Byblian Phoenician in the imperfect (in the two examples of this inscription), paralleled in both Ugaritic and Moabite with the same function (2001, 157). 2. תהתפכ𐤟: This word comes from the root HPK with a -T- infix for a Gt stem, paralleled in Ugaritic (Gibson 1982, 16). Krahmalkov calls this the YIPTAˁAL stem, an intransitive form of the Qal, which occurs only in Byblian Phoenician in the imperfect (in the two examples of this inscription), paralleled in both Ugaritic and Moabite with the same function (2001, 157). 2. לפפ𐤟 שבל : Gibson notes that these final two words are difficult to understand and that no viable solution has been presented. He leaves the words untranslated in his edition. His note suggests that the L- probably marks the agent of a passive verb and PP could be a reduplicated form of P for mouth, which occurs in Hebrew in Isaiah 41:15 in the plural form PYPYWT. Then, ŠBL might be an instrument by which one erases (Gibson 1982, 14-16). KAI goes with this interpretation of the sharpness or edge of some unknown instrument (Donner and Röllig 1964, 2-4). The Dictionary of Northwest Semitic Inscriptions sees this as PP with a L- prefix, and defines it as "edge (of a knife, etc.)," but lists ŠBL as a word of unknown meaning. It offers the various options which have been set forth and suggests it possibly indicates some kind of erasing instrument (Hoftijzer and Jongeling 1995, 930, 1101). Krahmalkov defines LPP as, "rend, tear," but does not have a definition for ŠBL. However, the translation he offers in his dictionary under the entry for LPP seems to take ŠBL as a trailing robe, as he translates the end, "his long trailing <royal> robe will tear [or be torn]." This text is his only example of the root (Krahmalkov 2000, 262). Albright (1947) wants to translate the phrase as “wayfarer,” or, “vagabond,” seeing LPP as a masculine singular active participle and connecting it with the meaning “wind” (as ‘winding one’s way’) from Aramaic, Akkadian, and Arabic. He connects ŠBL with Hebrew šǝbîl, Aramaic šǝḇîlâ, and Arabic sabîl for “road, way.” Torrey (1925, 274) proposes to read these as two infinitive absolutes. He notes that LPP is well known in Aramaic, late Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic to mean, “wrap up, cover over,” such that those responding to the curses would cover up to protect themselves. ŠBL is a šafˁel form of the root BLL meaning some form of besmearing the inscription by pouring a liquid over it. For more interpretations, refer to the Dictionary of Northwest Semitic Inscriptions s.v. PP and ŠBL, where various proposals are mentioned (Rider).
Moore, James D.. 'KAI 001.' DEAPS. 04 Feb, 2026. https://deaps.osu.edu/text_objects/11441. Accessed: 25 Aug, 2026.